The Israel Lobby—More than a Lobby
Laurence A. Toenjes
In
their book The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy John J. Mearsheimer and Stephen M. Walt state that “The [Israel
Lobby] is a loose coalition of individuals and organizations that actively works
to move U.S. foreign policy in a pro-Israel direction.” While I agree with the main elements of Mearsheimer’s and Walt’s analysis, the preceding statement
by them is deficient in at least two regards:
(1) The Israel Lobby is more
than a “loose coalition of individuals and organizations.” While not
monolithic, the Israel Lobby displays a very high degree of coherence and unity
of purpose.
(2) The provision of illegal
settlement funding by the Israel Lobby makes it more than an effort to
influence U.S. foreign policy. The
funding of illegal settlements by elements within the Israel Lobby makes it a
virtual arm of the State of Israel.
The
purpose of this paper is to demonstrate the validity of the above assertions.
When
one looks at the sources of funding for many of the organizations commonly
considered as being included in the Israel Lobby it is apparent that they share
a common source of funds. There are
several ways to demonstrate this. First, the network diagram of the flow of
money from grantors to elements of the Lobby is presented. In the following diagram the donors are
represented by small dots, the recipient organizations by the larger, labeled
circles or squares.
This
diagram was created using UCINET 6 for Windows Software for Social Network
Analysis: Borgatti, Everett and Freeman, © 1999-2002
Analytic Technologies, Inc.
Each
line in the diagram represents a monetary grant from a donor foundation to one
of the Lobby organizations (labeled)
Data
to create this diagram represent grants to nine organizations considered to be
part of the Israel Lobby, and to an additional 16 organizations that have been
identified as suppliers of funds to illegal settlements in the Occupied
Palestinian Territories (OPT). The data consist of grants or contributions made
to these organizations from some 791 charitable foundations, the grants
recorded in their U.S. IRS tax returns (form 990) for the years 2003 to 2012.
(Not all charities filed returns for all of these years, and returns for 2011
and 2012 had not all been submitted. In fact 2012 were few in number.)
Many funding organizations were identified that supply funds to multiple organizations in the Lobby (including those that support illegal settlements). Such funding organizations tie together the various organizations that were identified as being part of the Israel Lobby, and demonstrate that there is indeed a coherence and structure to the network of organizations that is imposed by the funding sources.
The
development of the above diagram was first described in Funding the Israel
Lobby and Illegal Settlements
(http://www.opednews.com/articles/Funding-the-Israel-Lobby-a-by-Larry-Toenjes-130224-20.html). The analysis has been extended (herein) to 29
organizations. The original 16
organizations that funnel money to the illegal settlements are still included.
A new diagram depicting the linkages between the expanded network of 1,712
donor charitable foundations and 29 recipient Lobby-involved organizations,
plus the 16 illegal settlement donors is shown below (Figure 2).
The
visual structure of this diagram, with 29 organizations included in the Israel
Lobby and 1,712 funding sources appears less well-defined than the previous
diagram, which only dealt with nine organizations, but it is still
striking. The data included 10,076
individual contributions. When aggregated
over the 2003 to 2012 time period, with a single sum replacing multiple
contributions from a single donor to a specific recipient, there remained 3,484
individual donor-recipient links.
This diagram was created using UCINET 6 for Windows Software for Social Network Analysis: Borgatti, Everett and Freeman, © 1999-2002 Analytic Technologies, Inc.
The
apparent high degree of interconnectedness is due to the large number of
instances where single grantors provide grants to multiple recipient
organizations. While 990 donors
contributed to a single organization only, 23 donors contributed to 10 or more
of the 29 organizations included in this study.
Total contributions from the 1,712 donors were $778 million. The 23 donors who contributed to 10 or more
organizations contributed $265.3 million, more than one-third of the total.
The
next diagram (Figure 3) shows only the 29 organizations that are included in
the Israel Lobby, plus “SF”, which represents the 16 illegal settlement
flow-through charities. A link between
two organizations occurs if a single donor makes one or more grants to both.
The thickness of the connecting lines is greater for linkages where multiple
donors make grants to the two connected organizations.
This diagram was created using UCINET 6 for Windows
Software for Social Network Analysis: Borgatti,
Everett and Freeman, © 1999-2002 Analytic Technologies, Inc
The
full names of the organizations shown are provided in Appendix A.
The
following table, shown below in two parts, shows the exact number of links
between any two organizations shown in Figure 3. The numbers that appear on the diagonal of
this 30 x 30 matrix represent the number of total grants received by the
recipient organization from the donor foundations for which IRS 990 forms were
obtained (and also shown in the column labeled “NBR OF DONORS TO”. To repeat,
the grants for each donor-recipient pair were aggregated across the 2003-2012
time period.
The
next table, Table 1-2, is a horizontal continuation of Table 1-1. Table 1-1
contains columns 1 to 15, table 1-2 contains columns
16 to 30.
Tables
1-1 and 1-2 show the numbers of funding sources that any two of the organizations
have in common. Following are several
examples of how to interpret the entries:
The
entry in Table 1-1 corresponding to row SF and column ADL indicates that the
Anti-Defamation League (ADL) and illegal settlement-funding organizations (SF)
had 86 donors in common. In other words,
86 non-profit organizations which placed a premium on supporting ADL’s
commitment to “defending democratic ideals and eliminating anti-Semitism and
bigotry in the United States and around the world” also placed a premium on
supporting the expansion of illegal settlements in the Occupied Palestinian
Territories.
The
lines that represent the contributions to ADL and SF (settlements) by those 86
tax-exempt charitable organizations are those that connect those organizations,
as shown in Figure 1. Those connecting
links are expanded in the following diagram, Figure 4. Short labels, to conserve space, identify the
86 donor organizations. Appendix B
relates the labels to the full names of the organizations and also shows how
much each contributed to ADL and to the settler-related organizations. In some cases the donor gave much more to ADL
than to the settlement organizations, in other cases the opposite. Based on the
data used herein, covering the years 2003 to 2012 (with many organizations not
yet filing their returns for the last two years) the 86 donor organizations
contributed $5.9 million to ADL, $10.2 million to settler-related organizations
(see Appendix B)--$5.9 million to ferreting out anti-Semitism and promoting
democracy, $10.2 million to the deprivation of the rights, land and other
resources of the Palestinians.
This
diagram was created using UCINET 6 for Windows Software for Social Network
Analysis: Borgatti, Everett and Freeman, © 1999-2002
Analytic Technologies, Inc. Labels identified in Appendix B.
Yet
another way to illustrate the high degree of interconnectedness of these
organizations is to show, more generally, the amount of funds each organization
receives from donors that fund other organizations. Since one of the focuses of this analysis is
the funding of illegal settlements, the amount of funds each of the 29
recipient organizations receives from those donors that also fund illegal
settlements is shown in Table 2. The four columns shown are:
(Col 1) Abbreviated or short name of recipient Lobby organization (see
Appendix A for full names).
(Col 2) Total
grants from 501c(3) donor organizations.
(Col 3) Grants from same donors that gave to illegal settlement organizations.
(Col 4) Column 3 as percent of Column 2.
The
grant recipients shown in Table 2, all included in the Israeli Lobby by virtue
of their common funding sources as well as their interrelated purposes and
actions, are ranked on the basis of the percentage of funds received from
donors that support illegal settlements.
The percentage for the first row is 100 percent by default, as SF refers
to those organizations that receive grants that are used to support illegal
settlements. Although IPTERROR in row 4
only receives $1,039,534 in grants from 501c(3)
donors, 79.5 percent of its grants are from donors that also give to
organizations that support illegal settlements in the OPT. It is surprising
that JSTREET receives 61.8 percent of its grant funding from donors that also
support illegal settlement activity, if only indirectly, inasmuch as JSTREET
stresses its desire to promote an independent Palestinian state.
Only
20.4 percent of grants to the ADL came from foundations that also supported
illegal settlement activity, but this still amounted to over $5.8 million. In all cases, these 29 members of the Lobby
individually receive hundreds of thousands of dollars, over $100 million in the
case of AJJDC, from foundations that also support illegal settlement activity.
From this perspective of common funding sources, many of these organizations,
all part of the Israel Lobby, are in fact closely intertwined.
The
funding of illegal settlements by elements within the Lobby makes it a virtual
arm of the State of Israel.
In
addition to providing evidence for a tight-knit relationship between these
members of the Israel Lobby the fact that 22 of the 29 organizations received
at least one million dollars from those foundations that supplied $34.8 million
to U.S. organizations that funnel money to illegal settlements is evidence that
the Israel Lobby does more than merely “lobby” in the traditional sense. It directly assists in implementing the
settlement program of the Israel government.
In
addition to sharing resources from the same funding pool that supports illegal
settlement activities, a number of these organizations are heavily involved in
molding U.S. public opinion, and the attitudes of
members of the U.S. Congress, into acceptance in or at least acquiescence of
Israel’s illegal settlement program.
Some of these organizations regularly and strenuously raise objections
to voices that oppose Israel’s settlement policies or the annual $3 billion
U.S. aid to Israel that facilitates those policies and programs.
By
providing free but orchestrated trips for members of Congress to visit Israel,
the American Israel Education Foundation (AIEF) uses the soft-sell approach to
gaining their support and allegiance. Organizationally, AIEF is a charade. AIEF
is an in-house captive servant of AIPAC.
Its employees’ salaries are paid by AIPAC. It is housed in AIPAC’s offices. A majority of the members of its board of
directors are also members of AIPAC’S board.
However, unlike its parent, AIEF is a 501c(3)
non-profit organization, and is therefore eligible to accept tax-exempt
contributions and to provide expense-paid trips to Israel for members of
Congress. Those trips are designed to
instill a greater sense of loyalty to the State of Israel as well as a sense of
gratitude to AIPAC. (For additional information on the AIEF-AIPAC relationship,
see various writings and postings by Grant Smith at www.irmep.org )
Also
connected to the AIEF/AIPAC influence are the 30 or so pro-Israel PACs which
have been identified by the Center for Responsive Politics as primarily focused
on helping candidates for Congress who strongly support Israel, and which
oppose candidates who deviate in any way from a pro-Israel viewpoint.
AIEF/AIPAC is strongly linked to these pro-Israel PACs by the substantial
personal contributions made to them by the members of the board of directors of
AIPAC and AIEF.
As
of 2010 there were 50 members on AIPAC’s board.
Twenty-seven of them were also on the board of AIEF, comprising a
controlling majority of that board.
Including members of their immediate families, 72 individuals—AIEF/AIPAC
board members and members of their immediate families-- made political
contributions to congressional candidates, their leadership PACs, party
organizations, and pro-Israel PACs.
During the 2009-2010 election cycle these individuals contributed
$369,760 to the pro-Israel PACs, $2,108,658 to the principle campaign
committees of congressional candidates, and $465,402 to other federally regulated
political organizations, such as party committees or leadership PACs.
Table
3 presents the amounts contributed to 19 of the pro-Israel PACs by AIPAC board
members. Note in particular the
substantial amounts to the first two: $107,500 to National PAC, $67,760 to
National Action Committee.
Table
4 lists the amounts contributed to congressional candidates during 2009-2010 by
44 of the AIPAC board members and their immediate families, totaling
$2,108,658. It is often reported in the
Washington Report on Middle East Affairs (various issues) that the
approximately 30 pro-Israel PACs contribute some $3 million to their favorite
congressional candidates each election cycle.
But the figures presented here show that just 44 AIPAC board members
(and their immediate family members) contributed over $2 million, separate from
the pro-Israel PAC contributions. They
also gave $369,760 to
the pro-Israel PACs as well. As many of
the AIPAC board members also have positions of influence in many of the pro-Israel
PACs, it doesn’t require much imagination to see how this small group can
directly control upwards of $5 million in contributions to congressional
candidates. For example, receiving part
of the $2.1 million in direct contributions from AIPAC board members were:
These
individuals also received substantial contributions from the pro-Israel PACs
themselves.
Such
large amounts given directly to lawmakers may simply represent rewards for
services rendered. However, their
magnitude and the degree of control over them by a relatively small number of
individuals comprise an implicit threat to virtually every member of Congress. It would be no trick at all for these individuals
to redirect several hundred thousand dollars to the opponent of a member of
Congress who departs from the Israel Lobby’s agenda.
Just
as AIEF attempts to induce members of Congress to be more sympathetic towards
Israel by sending them on all-expense paid, programmed trips to Israel, there
are several organizations whose purpose is to diminish Americans’ sympathies
for Israel’s perceived enemies. The Center for American Progress published a
lengthy study on Islamophobia, titled Fear, Inc.:
The Roots of the Islamophobia Network in America
(2011). Several of the organizations
that are included in this study as being members of the Israel Lobby were
identified in that report as participating in the effort to create a climate of
Islamophobia in the U.S. These included Investigative Project on
Terrorism (IPTERROR), Middle East Forum (MEF), Middle East Media and Research
Institute (MEMRI), and the Center for Security Policy (CSP). The first three of these all received more
than half of their grants from foundations that also supplied funds to illegal
settlement activity (see Table 2 above). IPTERROR, MEF, CSP and other
organizations are also discussed in The Islamophobia
Industry: How the Right Manufactures Fear of Muslims, by Nathan Lean
(2012).
The
result of the various relationships described above is a network that, among
other achievements, accomplishes the following:
(a) free trips to Israel for members of Congress that include both
pleasure and indoctrination; (b) political contributions to pro-Israel PACs and
directly to approximately 300 members or new candidates for Congress by AIPAC
board members; (c) Congressional appropriation of U.S. aid to Israel amounting
to over $8 million per day. In addition,
the executive director of AIPAC—Howard Kohr--
receives an annual salary in excess of half a million dollars. He and others in
similar positions certainly have a personal interest in perpetuating the
system, and it is a system.
Some
of the linkages between elements of the Israel Lobby, pro-Israel PACs,
Congress, the State of Israel, and the illegal settlements are depicted in the
next diagram (Figure 5). The broad
pattern show there can be described as follows:
·
U.S. Jewish and Christian Zionist monetary contributions fund the
AIEF/AIPAC program of providing all-expense paid trips to Israel for U.S.
members of Congress;
·
The same donors also support the several organizations mentioned above
that generate feelings of Islamophobia among the
general population as well as among members of Congress;
·
The pro-Israel PACs receive contributions that in turn are channeled to
congressional candidates to most effectively promote the interests of the State
of Israel. Many of the contributors to
these PACs also make direct campaign contributions to the same Congressional
candidates.
·
U.S. Jewish and Christian Zionist donors also send money to “charitable
foundations” that use those funds to support illegal settlement activity in the
Occupied Palestinian Territories. The
sixteen such organizations for which data were obtained and used herein
received monies from 315 different private charitable foundations;
·
Members of Congress receive their free trips to Israel, deposit their campaign
contributions, and in turn annually appropriate $3 billion in aid to Israel
which is used by Israel’s military to purchase a variety of weapons, including
cluster bombs and phosphorous explosives which have been used against the
residents of Gaza.
·
The results of these various interrelated activities include:
o
More “facts on the ground” in the form of illegal settlements and their
infrastructure in the Occupied Palestinian Territories;
o
More settler violence towards the nearby Palestinian residents;
o
More Israeli Defense Forces to “protect” the illegal settlers;
o
More demonstrations by Palestinians attempting to prevent unhindered
expansions of the settlements, unlawful seizure and destruction of their lands,
orchards, and sources of water. These demonstrations often end with the IDF
firing tear gas canisters at the demonstrators, the demonstrators throwing
rocks at the IDF soldiers and the settlers, with occasional deaths when the IDF
resort to live fire.
o
Continued conflict
·
The continuation of conflict following from the settlement expansion
reinforces the impact of the pro-Israel propaganda and the fabricated Islamophobia back in the U.S. and is used to increase the
pressure on the participating organizations to provide even move funds for the
illegal enterprise.
One
measure of the success of this ongoing process is the number of Jewish settlers
who now live in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. Estimates are as high as 500,000 and still
growing.
The Israel Lobby is not merely a “loose coalition of
individuals and organizations that actively works to move U.S. foreign policy
in a pro-Israel direction,” as described by Mearsheimer
and Walt. Rather the Israel Lobby is a well-coordinated, well-funded system of
many organizations and individuals, shown above, that work together in a highly
integrated manner to carry out the policy of the State of Israel to create more
“facts on the ground” in the Occupied Palestinian Territories.
The tightly integrated nature of the Israel Lobby,
as exemplified by the 29 organizations for which data were included in this
study, is difficult to deny. The fact
that many of these components of the Lobby are linked together with dozens,
even hundreds of funding organizations in common with each other is
persuasive. The fact that large
proportions of the funding received by these organizations come from the same
charitable foundations that send funds to the illegal settlements in the
Occupied Palestinian Territories provides evidence that the Israel Lobby does
more than just lobby, in the traditional sense.
By assisting Israel’s illegal settlement program the Israel Lobby is
acting directly on behalf of a foreign government and in direct violation of
U.S. policy that opposes those settlements. The funds provided by AIEF to
finance free trips to Israel for members of Congress, the campaign
contributions provided to those same members of Congress by members of AIPAC’s
board of directors to help finance their reelection bids, the program of
generating a climate of Islamophobia by other
organizational members of the Israel Lobby, all contribute to promoting the
perceived interests of the State of Israel. Those interests are promoted by
purchasing or coercing members of Congress to continue the annual U.S. military
assistance of $3 billion to that country and in minimizing public resistance to
it.
In view of the continuing expansion of illegal
settlements in the West Bank and East Jerusalem, U.S. policy in opposition to
them has been ineffectual, irrelevant, ignored by Israel, and overwhelmed in
part by those organizations and individuals in the U.S. that comprise the
Israel Lobby and which support and assist in the settlements activity.
Appendix A
Names of Organizations
ADL
Anti-Defamation League
AEI
American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research
AIEF
American Israel Education Foundation
AJC
American Jewish Committee
AJJDC American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee
APN
Americans for Peace Now, Inc.
CAMERA
Committee for Accuracy in Middle East Reporting in America
CSP
Center for Security Policy
EPPC
Ethics and Public Policy Center
FDD
Foundation for the Defense of Democracies
FIDF
Friends of the Israel Defense Forces
HERITAGE
Heritage Foundation
HILLEL
Bnai Brith Hillel
Foundation
HOOVER
Hoover Institution on War, Revolution and Peace
HUDSON
Hudson Institute
IEMERG
Israel Emergency Alliance
IPTERROR Investigative Project on Terrorism
ISPROJ
Israel Project
JCC
Jewish Community Centers Association of North
America
JEWFED
Jewish Federations of North America
JINSA
Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs
JSTREET
J Street Education Fund, Inc.
MANHAT
Manhattan Institute for Policy Research
MEF
Middle East Forum
MEMRI
Middle East Media Research Institute
NEFESH
Nefesh B'Nefesh Jewish
Souls United, Inc.
ORT
ORT America
SF
Various (16) settlement funds
WINEP
Washington Institute for Near East Policy
WZOA
Hadassah, The Women’s Zionist Organization of America
Appendix B
|
Contributions to Anti-Defamation League and
Illegal Settlements (2003 to
2012) |
|||
|
|
|
|
|
Donor Short Names |
Donor Foundations |
Anti-Defamation
League |
Grants to
Organizations Funding Illegal Settlements |
|
|
|
($) |
($) |
|
Z___1 |
The
Harry and Jeanette Weinberg Foundation, Inc. |
30,000 |
2,700,000 |
|
Z___4 |
Swartz
Foundation |
6,000 |
221,800 |
|
Z___6 |
The
Marcus Foundation, Inc. |
92,630 |
5,000 |
|
Z___8 |
Klarman Family Foundation |
40,000 |
520,000 |
|
Z__15 |
Hertog Foundation, Inc. |
55,000 |
1,005,000 |
|
Z__22 |
The
New York Community Trust |
919,500 |
898,972 |
|
Z__26 |
Bialkin Family Foundation |
23,000 |
5,500 |
|
Z__39 |
Koret Foundation |
91,000 |
427,500 |
|
Z__43 |
Circle
of Service Foundation |
369,000 |
215,000 |
|
Z__50 |
Saban Family Foundation |
73,750 |
35,000 |
|
Z__56 |
Nash
Family Foundation |
115,000 |
131,522 |
|
Z__60 |
Arie and Ida Crown
Memorial |
322,777 |
1,000 |
|
Z__64 |
The
Cooper Family Foundation, Inc. |
30,000 |
35,000 |
|
Z__77 |
Ruderman Family Foundation |
25,000 |
300,878 |
|
Z__83 |
The
Russell Berrie Foundation |
18,000 |
5,000 |
|
Z__86 |
Silicon
Valley Community Foundation |
7,000 |
1,000 |
|
Z__87 |
The
Milken Family Foundation |
10,500 |
1,008,748 |
|
Z__95 |
The
Laszlo N. Tauber Family Foundation |
750,000 |
27,900 |
|
Z_105 |
The
Community Foundation for the National Capital Region |
54,000 |
1,500 |
|
Z_114 |
The
Judy and Michael Steinhardt Foundation |
5,000 |
50,000 |
|
Z_123 |
Forest
City Enterprises Charitable Foundation, Inc. |
30,000 |
41,200 |
|
Z_126 |
Wilf Family Foundation |
134,000 |
100,960 |
|
Z_133 |
The
Grosfeld Foundation |
500,500 |
2,500 |
|
Z_152 |
The
John and Lisa Pritzker Family Fund |
26,000 |
617,000 |
|
Z_156 |
Boston
Foundation, Inc. |
231,450 |
11,000 |
|
Z_158 |
The
Capital Group Companies Charitable Foundation |
4,000 |
2,500 |
|
Z_184 |
Community
Foundation of Greater Memphis |
3,000 |
236,950 |
|
Z_187 |
The
Litwin Foundation, Inc. |
202,000 |
160,000 |
|
Z_194 |
Aufzien Foundation, Inc. |
22,500 |
9,000 |
|
Z_198 |
The
Community Foundation for Greater Atlanta |
113,750 |
2,000 |
|
Z_204 |
Charles
and Mildred Schnurmacher Foundation, Inc. |
380,000 |
100,000 |
|
Z_210 |
Charles
and M. R. Shapiro Foundation, Inc. |
25,000 |
60,000 |
|
Z_225 |
The
Seattle Foundation |
26,450 |
9,000 |
|
Z_240 |
Charles
E. Smith Family Foundation |
29,000 |
5,000 |
|
Z_245 |
Omaha
Community Foundation |
189,434 |
50,000 |
|
Z_293 |
Robert
and Myra Kraft Family Foundation, Inc. |
47,500 |
60,000 |
|
Z_294 |
The
JPMorgan Chase Foundation |
28,500 |
95,044 |
|
Z_309 |
Z.
S. & M. Wilf Foundation, Inc. |
16,000 |
10,000 |
|
Z_312 |
William
S. and Ina Levine Foundation |
98,040 |
22,500 |
|
Z_321 |
Susan
and Barry Tatelman Family Foundation |
75,000 |
160,000 |
|
Z_336 |
The
Cleveland Foundation |
43,800 |
1,000 |
|
Z_357 |
The
Selig Foundation |
5,100 |
1,800 |
|
Z_379 |
Hart
N. and Simona Hasten Family Foundation, Inc. |
30,000 |
128,550 |
|
Z_386 |
Howard
and Geraldine Polinger Family Foundation |
55,000 |
3,000 |
|
Z_389 |
Robert
M. Beren Foundation, Inc. |
1,800 |
1,800 |
|
Z_411 |
Irwin
Chafetz Family Charitable Trust |
20,000 |
63,000 |
|
Z_422 |
Verizon
Foundation |
125,300 |
1,000 |
|
Z_469 |
Ross
Family Fund |
11,400 |
10,000 |
|
Z_479 |
The
Jess & Sheila Schwartz Family Foundation |
5,000 |
97,150 |
|
Z_487 |
The
M-K LINK Foundation |
10,750 |
80,000 |
|
Z_512 |
The
Philadelphia Foundation |
20,000 |
1,000 |
|
Z_519 |
Robert
H. Smith Family Foundation |
40,000 |
2,500 |
|
Z_521 |
The
Joseph and Florence Mandel Foundation |
5,000 |
1,000 |
|
Z_523 |
Federated
Investors Foundation, Inc. |
2,000 |
15,000 |
|
Z_534 |
The
Melvin Garb Foundation |
50,000 |
25,000 |
|
Z_536 |
Norman
and Barbara Seiden Foundation |
6,100 |
70,000 |
|
Z_547 |
Capital
One Foundation |
6,000 |
50,000 |
|
Z_550 |
The
Morton and Beverley Rechler Family Foundation, Inc. |
10,000 |
15,000 |
|
Z_552 |
Theodore
H. Cutler Family Charitable Trust |
21,667 |
33,620 |
|
Z_553 |
Katten Muchin Rosenman Foundation, Inc. |
19,750 |
2,433 |
|
Z_568 |
Sy Syms Foundation |
10,000 |
32,500 |
|
Z_595 |
The
Baltimore Community Foundation |
1,000 |
20,000 |
|
Z_642 |
Joseph
F. Stein Family Foundation Inc. |
1,000 |
47,500 |
|
Z_655 |
Bachmann
Strauss Family Fund |
1,000 |
10,000 |
|
Z_715 |
The
Marilyn and Jeffrey Katzenberg Foundation |
10,000 |
10,000 |
|
Z_730 |
Berkshire
Taconic Community Foundation |
3,000 |
1,000 |
|
Z_792 |
The
Flatley Foundation |
3,000 |
30,000 |
|
Z_801 |
The
Rhoda & David Chase Family Foundation, Inc. |
20,500 |
1,667 |
|
Z_808 |
EQT
Foundation, Inc. |
25,000 |
5,500 |
|
Z_809 |
The
Glickenhaus Foundation |
2,000 |
1,000 |
|
Z_834 |
The
J. S. & S. Michaan Foundation |
5,000 |
4,000 |
|
Z_862 |
Weingart Foundation |
4,000 |
2,000 |
|
Z_910 |
Schaeffer
Family Foundation |
18,000 |
1,000 |
|
Z_923 |
The
Zahava and Moshael J.
Straus Family Foundation |
1,500 |
1,000 |
|
Z_976 |
Jerry
and Emily Spiegel Family Foundation, Inc. |
3,375 |
2,000 |
|
Z_986 |
The
Dow Chemical Company Foundation |
15,000 |
3,000 |
|
Z_999 |
The
Chicago Community Trust |
10,000 |
5,000 |
|
Z1002 |
Mechia Foundation |
5,000 |
5,000 |
|
Z1007 |
Aaron
& Marion Gural Foundation |
15,000 |
1,000 |
|
Z1123 |
Isermann Family Foundation,
Inc. |
1,000 |
7,500 |
|
Z1231 |
Olive
Bridge Fund, Inc. |
3,000 |
1,500 |
|
Z1242 |
N.
Bud and Beverly Grossman Foundation |
3,750 |
5,180 |
|
Z1255 |
The
Cosette Charitable Fund |
6,000 |
1,000 |
|
Z1290 |
Allen
A. Stein Family Foundation, Inc. |
1,000 |
2,200 |
|
Z1306 |
Jerome
A. and Deena L. Kaplan Foundation |
5,000 |
1,000 |
|
Z1500 |
The
Argo Family Fund |
2,000 |
1,000 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
5,883,073 |
10,156,374 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
Data
Source: IRS form 990s, Foundation
Center (www.foundationcenter.org) |
|
|||
Note: Many organizations had not yet filed tax
returns for years 2011 and 2012 as of the date when these data were
retrieved. |
||||